An Opacity Problem in Mayo Reduplication

Abstract

The phonological realization of heavy syllable reduplicants in Mayo (Uto-Aztecan) depends on the location of the accent in the unreduplicated form. Because the accent shifts after reduplication this creates an opacity in the determination of the base of reduplication. This paper provides an Optimality Theoretic account of this pattern of reduplication by positing distinct alignment constraints operating over accent placement and base-assignment, thus accounting for this opacity within a non-derivational theoretical framework. The diachronic development of this pattern is also considered.